[전문] 헤그세스 샹그릴라 기조연설(050531)
Remarks by Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth at the 2025 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore (As Prepared)
Good morning. It is great to be in Singapore.
Bastian, thanks for your warm welcome. The Shangri-La Dialogue is an important forum for bringing together defense leaders from across the Indo-Pacific region and the world. Thanks to you and IISS for hosting us.
I am proud to be back in the Indo-Pacific for the second time as Secretary of Defense. And I'm going to keep coming back.
And it's not just me. America is proud to be back in the Indo-Pacific — and we're here to stay. The United States is an Indo-Pacific nation. We have been (since the earliest days of the Republic?). We will continue to be an Indo-Pacific nation — with Indo-Pacific interests — for generations to come.
Under President Trump's leadership, the United States is committed to achieving peace through strength. That starts with deterring aggression here in the Indo-Pacific, here in our priority theater, here with you — our allies and partners. The United States stands ready to work with any country that is willing to step up to preserve the peace we all hold dear.
Looking out at this room, I am glad to see friends, counterparts, and other senior leaders from so many allies and partners. Your presence sends a strong message about our shared purpose, our shared commitment to peace, and our shared dedication to a free and open Indo-Pacific.
This morning, I'd like to share <the U.S. Defense Department's vision for the Indo-Pacific>. And I'll start by putting it into context — by describing how this vital region fits in to our national defense priorities.
From day one, President Trump gave me and the Department of Defense a clear mission: achieve peace through strength. To accomplish this mission, our overriding objectives have been equally clear: restore the warrior ethos, rebuild our military, and reestablish deterrence.
< restore the warrior ethos >
It all starts with restoring the warrior ethos. All of us in the profession of arms understand that humans are more important than hardware.
So, we're focused on lethality, meritocracy, accountability, standards, and readiness. We've applied common sense. Our combat formations need to be trained and skilled. Our standards need to be high and unwavering. If you can do the job, you're in the formation. If you can't, you are not. Simple as that.
That is restoring the warrior ethos, and our troops are responding to it. Morale, recruiting, retention, readiness, training, capabilities, are all rapidly increasing thanks to our back-to-basics, common sense approach.
< rebuild our military >
Our second priority is rebuilding the military. We're equipping American warfighters with the most advanced capabilities so we remain the strongest and most lethal fighting force in the world.
President Trump proposes spending — for the first time ever — over $1 trillion next year to do this. The Golden Dome for America, our new sixth generation fighter — the F-47, our new stealth bomber —the B-21, new submarines and destroyers are all a part of that. The best military equipment in the world!
We are reviving our defense industrial base and investing in our shipyards. We are also rapidly fielding emerging technologies that will help us remain the world leader for generations to come. We are stronger — yet more agile — than ever before.
When our opponents know that our military is armed with the most capable weapons systems, wielded by skilled warriors with the will to prevail, they are less likely to challenge us on the battlefield — and that is the point.
< reestablish deterrence >
This leads to our third objective: reestablishing deterrence. Across four years of deferred maintenance under the Biden administration, the world saw a feckless America. Not anymore.
We are re-establishing deterrence around the world, 1. but credible deterrence starts at home. It starts at our borders. Border security is national security. So we have put troops on the Southwest border and are driving towards 100% operational control there. We are also increasing security in the Western Hemisphere and taking back the Panama Canal from malign Chinese influence.
Beyond our borders, beyond our neighborhood, we are reorienting toward deterring aggression by Communist China. We'll talk more about this in a minute.
Elsewhere — around the world — we are engaging with, enabling, and empowering our allies. We're pushing our allies in Europe to own more of their security — to invest in their own defense. Thanks to President Trump, they are stepping up. As our allies put their shoulders to the plow and carry more of their own burden, we will continue increasing our focus on the Indo-Pacific, our priority theater.
Vision for the Indo-Pacific
Here in the Indo-Pacific, our futures are bound together. The prosperity and security of the American people are linked with those of your peoples. America has too much at stake in the Indo-Pacific to walk away. We are here to stay.
For a generation, the United States ignored this region. We became distracted by open-ended wars(개방형전쟁), regime change, and nation building. These costly diversions lacked clearly defined goals and were not tied to vital American interests.
President Trump is changing that. We are not making the same mistakes. We are done with that approach. We are focused on delivering for the American people, on safeguarding their security, on protecting their economic interests, and on using common sense to preserve peace in the Indo-Pacific.
Standing here in Singapore, I think this approach aligns well with the pragmatic style of Singapore's legendary Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew. Across three decades, he built this country into one of the world's most important hubs of finance and innovation.
(Like the late-Prime Minister,) President Trump's approach is grounded in common sense and national interests, built on a willingness to work with others (while respecting mutual self-interest), and informed by an understanding of military strength but shaped by a preference for engaging on the basis of commerce and sovereignty — not war.
These two historic men share a willingness to challenge old ways of doing things that no longer make sense. Under President Trump's leadership, we are applying this common sense approach here in the Indo-Pacific and throughout the world.
The results speak for themselves. President Trump is leading European allies to step up in their own self-defense. He is striking new, fairer trade deals that protect Americans while providing a lasting and secure basis for commerce. He is also rebalancing security arrangements with key allies in the region.
This will enable us all to benefit from the peace and stability that comes with a lasting and strong American presence here in the Indo-Pacific. These benefits multiply when our allies and partners are also strong.
As President Trump said in Riyadh, the United States is not interested in the moralistic approach to foreign policy of the past.
We are not here to pressure other countries to embrace and adopt our politics or ideology. We are not here to preach to you about climate change or cultural issues. We are not here to impose our will on you. We are all sovereign nations. We should all be able to choose the future we want to build. We respect you and your traditions. And we want to work with you where our shared interests align.
Upon this sure foundation of mutual interests and common sense, we will build and strengthen our partnerships with you to preserve peace and increase prosperity.
The Threat
But a threat gathers ... As we all know, strength and security underpin peace and enable prosperity. And our common sense approach to achieving security — to achieving peace through strength — requires seeing things clearly. It requires confronting the hard truth about the threats we face in the Indo-Pacific. And it requires meeting those threats with urgency.
(Before we get to these hard truths,) let me begin by saying, we do not seek conflict with Communist China. But we will not be pushed out of this critical region. And we will not let our allies and partners be subordinated.
China seeks to become the hegemonic power in Asia. It wishes to dominate and control this vibrant and vital region. (Through its massive military build-up and growing willingness to use military force to achieve its goals,) China has demonstrated that it wants to fundamentally alter the region's status quo.
China's behavior towards its neighbors and the world is a wake-up call. And an urgent one.
Practically around the clock, China uses its vast and sophisticated cyber capabilities to steal industrial technology and attack critical infrastructure systems — in your countries and in the United States, too. These actions not only rip us off, but endanger the lives of our citizens.
(In the South China Sea,) Communist China harasses its neighbors – many are here in this room today. China seeks to intimidate you in your own waters. We have all seen the videos and pictures of water cannons, ship-to-ship collisions, and illegal boardings at sea. They are also illegally seizing and militarizing land features in the South China Sea.
These actions betray(to show) China's fundamental lack of respect for its neighbors and challenge sovereignty, freedom of navigation, and overflight. We are watching China's destabilizing actions closely. Any unilateral attempt in the South China Sea to change the status quo by force or coercion is unacceptable.
Every day, China's military harasses Taiwan. These activities have been paired with China's rapid military modernization and buildup – including massive investments in nuclear weapons, hypersonic missiles, and amphibious assault capabilities.
It should be clear to all that Beijing is concretely and credibly preparing to use military force to alter the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. We know that Xi Jinping has ordered his military to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027. The PLA is building the capabilities needed to do it — at breakneck speed. The PLA is training for it, every day. The PLA is rehearsing for the real deal.
Let me be clear: any attempt by Communist China to conquer Taiwan would result in devastating consequences for the Indo-Pacific and the world. We are not going to sugarcoat it. The threat China poses is real. And it could be imminent.
Facing these threats, we know that many countries are tempted by the idea of seeking both economic cooperation with China and defense cooperation with the United States. But beware the leverage the CCP seeks with that entanglement. Economic dependence on China only deepens their malign influence and complicates our decision space during times of tension or conflict. The CCP uses economic influence to wield power.
Nobody knows what China will ultimately do. But they are preparing. And we must, therefore, be ready as well. Urgency and vigilance is our only option.
But let me again be clear: The United States does not seek war. We do not seek to dominate or strangle China. We do not seek to humiliate China. We do not seek regime change. Instead, we seek peace. But we must ensure that China cannot dominate us — or our allies and partners. That is a rational, common sense goal that all should be able to live with.
At the same time, President Trump has said that Communist China will not invade Taiwan on his watch. Our goal is to prevent war. And we will do this with a strong shield of deterrence, forged together with you – America's great allies and partners. Together, we will show what we mean by Peace through Strength. In many ways seen, and unseen. Overt and covert.
But if deterrence fails, we will be prepared to do what the Department of Defense does best – fight and win — decisively.
Path Forward
As I've said many times before, and it's important for all of you to hear today — America First does not mean America alone. The Indo-Pacific is America's priority theater. As we shift our focus to this region, and as Europe steps up and takes greater ownership of its own security, President Trump and I will be counting on you – our allies and partners – to be force multipliers alongside the United States.
We ask — indeed, we insist — that our allies and partners do their part. Sometimes, this means having uncomfortable and tough conversations. Partners owe to it to each other to be honest and realistic. This is the essence of a pragmatic, common sense foreign policy. But you will also see that we are — and will remain — loyal to our allies and partners. In fact, the only way to ensure lasting alliances and partnerships is to make sure each side does its part.
We will stand with you and work hard alongside you to deter Chinese aggression. And we will do so in a rational and pragmatic manner. Each day, together, creating more and more dilemmas and complications for China, should they decide to overturn the status quo.
No one should doubt America's commitment to our Indo-Pacific allies and partners. We will continue to wrap our arms around our friends and find new ways to work together — not only our treaty allies here, but also our key partners in ASEAN and across the Indo-Pacific.
Built on the bedrock of shared interests, these partnerships will deliver for our countries in unprecedented ways.
For example, look no further than to our growing defense relationship with India, where we pass new milestones by the day—from the shared ventures of our defense industries to the increasing operational coordination and interoperability between our two militaries.
But we must all do our part — and get more serious about contributing to our collective defense.
I urge our allies and partners to seize this moment with us.
We must ensure that our defense spending reflects the dangers and threats we face today. Deterrence does not come cheap. Time is of the essence. We must step up and move out with a sense of urgency.
It is hard to believe I can say this – but Asian allies and partners should look to countries in Europe as a new-found example. NATO members are pledging to spend 5% of their GDP on defense, even Germany. How can it make sense for countries in Europe to do that (while key allies and partners in Asia spend far less in the face of a far more formidable threat from Communist China, not to mention North Korea)?
Ultimately, a strong, resolute, and capable network of allies and partners is one of our key strategic advantages.
China envies what we have together. And it has seen what we can collectively bring to bear. But it's up to all of us to ensure that we live up to that potential by investing in our own defenses.
Europe is stepping up. U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific can, and should, follow by quickly upgrading their own defenses.
President Trump said it himself last month in Riyadh – he will never hesitate to wield American power swiftly and decisively if it is necessary.
That's re-establishing deterrence. <We're doing this here in the Indo-Pacific in three ways(인태>: by improving our forward force posture, by helping allies and partners strengthen their defense capabilities, and by rebuilding our defense industrial bases.
First, the Department of Defense is prioritizing forward postured, combat credible forces in the Western Pacific to deter by denial. In my first trip to the Indo-Pacific in March, I traveled to the Philippines to meet with President Marcos and Secretary of National Defense Teodoro. While there we announced our commitment to deploy more advanced U.S. military capabilities to the Philippines.
We announced the inaugural overseas deployment of NMESIS, a U.S. Marine Corps mobile anti-ship missile system, to the Philippines. The 3rd Marine Littoral Regiment – one of the U.S. military's most capable and lethal formations – exercised NMESIS along with our Philippine allies. Together we deployed the system to the Batanes Islands in the Luzon Strait between the Philippines and Taiwan.
This enhanced our interoperability and improved our readiness to operate cutting-edge platforms where we need them, when we need them.
We also announced that U.S. Special Operations Forces and Philippine Marines are training together on complex landing scenarios in the Batanes Islands. This demonstrates that our forces can conduct high-end operations in the most challenging environments.
I also visited Tokyo and met with Prime Minister Ishiba and Defense Minister Nakatani. We announced that we are upgrading the U.S. Forces Japan headquarters. This is about warfighting and deterrence – and common sense. Upgrading USFJ demonstrates the significant work of the U.S.-Japan Alliance to effectively respond to evolving threats. It also reflects the progress the Alliance has made towards improving interoperability and Japan's own advances in strengthening its indigenous capabilities.
And, this summer, the U.S. Army plans to conduct its first live-fire test of its Mid-Range Capability system( in Australia. This will be the first time that system is fired west of the International Date Line and the first time we have tested it on foreign soil. Deployments like this represent our commitment to the region, and we have many more planned.
On the home front, the Golden Dome for America will protect the U.S. homeland against a catastrophic missile attack by potential adversaries. (As we strengthen missile defenses for the U.S. homeland,) we will also look for ways to improve regional missile defenses right here in the Indo-Pacific. This is part of increasing deterrence and investing in our alliances.
We are also using regional integrated air and missile defense to strengthen deterrence. We are developing several key missile defense technologies and data-sharing partnerships with Japan and Australia. We will leverage America's best-in-class technologies to strengthen regional air and missile defense architectures.
Second, we are supporting allies and partners as they strengthen their own defense capabilities and capacity(잠재역량). We want to empower you – as partners, not dependents – to work more capably with the United States.
We are working to rapidly deliver the kinds of off-the-shelf, innovative, autonomous systems for which American industry is renowned. It's why the Department partnered with U.S. industry to launch the Maritime Security Consortium.
This consortium will build and sustain maritime domain awareness(해양감시체계) to deliver real operational effects ((by employing unmanned aircraft and vessels)). These capabilities will be delivered quickly and at a lower cost to get cutting edge American technology into the hands of our warfighters and of our partners and allies in Southeast Asia.
A critical part of working with our allies and partners is increasing interoperability – learning how to sail, fly, and fight as one. This year's BALIKATAN exercise in the Philippines was the largest-ever. In the South China Sea, we also continue to conduct regular maritime cooperative activities alongside Australia, Japan, and the Philippines. Activities like these improve our coordination and shared tactics.
And we are expanding our security partnership with India through robust military exercises like TIGER TRIUMPH. We are also amplifying cooperation within the Quad and other multilateral frameworks. Within the Quad we are also leading an initiative called the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network, enabling Quad partners to leverage shared logistics capabilities in the Indo-Pacific.
And we are grateful for the opportunity to train with all our allies and partners in the region in other exercises like TALISMAN SABRE with Australia or COBRA GOLD in Thailand. These exercises enhance our lethality while improving our readiness to respond to crisis at a moment's notice. We put that into practice last March with the Thai military in response to the earthquake there.
Flying, sailing, and operating together in peacetime ensures we're prepared for the unexpected. It's all about getting in those reps and sets — as a team.
Third, we are revitalizing our defense industrial bases and reallocating resources towards the most lethal and effective capabilities. We are doing this because the success of our warfighters requires it.
It is one thing for an adversary to see multinational forces operating together in exercises. It is another thing entirely for that same adversary to see an integrated defense industrial base supporting those forces and standing ready to keep them in the fight.
That's why I'm pleased to endorse the Partnership for Indo-Pacific Industrial Resilience, also known as PIPIR – a U.S.-initiated multilateral forum of 14 allies and partners working with industry, capital providers, and key non-governmental stakeholders, to strengthen industrial resilience, expand our capacity, and accelerate deliveries.
And today, I'm proud to announce the first PIPIR projects.
1. The first project plans to establish repair capability and capacity for P-8 radar systems in Australia. This will enable Indo-Pacific allies and partners (operating the aircraft, including New Zealand and the Republic of Korea,) to repair aircraft within the region rather than relying on a single repair source in the continental United States.
2. The second is a project that will develop standards for small unmanned aerial systems across the Indo-Pacific, identify secure sources of production for their critical components, and increase global supply chain resilience for these essential systems.
Similarly, we are working through our Regional Sustainment Framework to do things like expand existing contracts for U.S Army Watercraft repair. The goal of this initiative is to bring in more providers and expand existing repair capability more broadly across the Indo-Pacific.
We will also use our allies' world-class ship repair capabilities to enhance the U.S. Navy's operational effectiveness and to save taxpayer money.
These moves will strengthen regional resiliency by increasing access to repair capabilities in theater and reducing dependency on distant supply chains.
We are deepening our cooperation with Australia's Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance(탄약&포탄) enterprise with historic momentum and purpose. This work is critical to securing our technological edge and making our munitions supply chains resilient.
In the last two months, we have reached an agreement for Australia to produce 155 millimeter ammunition and to assemble Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems. These steps enhance our readiness and facilitate upgrades to our collective defense industrial base.
We are working with India to co-produce equipment needed to deter aggression. This includes negotiating an agreement to bring our industrial bases even closer. Last month, we held our first-ever U.S.-India industry-government experts exchange to produce and field state-of-the-art autonomous systems as part of the U.S.-India Autonomous Systems Industry Alliance.
Across the board, the United States, our allies, and our partners are making great progress in these — and many other — areas towards achieving peace through strength.
We must keep moving quickly, though. We face a grave threat and we have no time to waste.
Conclusion
With sage leadership, strategic vision, and a sense of urgency Lee Kuan Yew turned Singapore into one of the world's great success stories. Many call it the "Singapore Miracle." That is what common sense policies can achieve. And it is precisely what President Trump's vision is all about.
Peace through Strength. Reestablishing deterrence. Sharing our burdens. Multiplying our strengths. Reinforcing our great alliances. Not starting wars, but preventing them. And building a better future for our nations — together.
During my last visit to the Indo-Pacific, I watched oil seep up from the wreckage of USS ARIZONA at Pearl Harbor. I saw the rows of crosses marking the graves of over 17,000 American soldiers at the Manila American Cemetery. And I walked the black sand beaches of Iwo Jima.
In these hallowed places I immediately felt connected to the past — to the warriors who went before us. They gave their all for freedom and for peace. As we mark 80 years since the end of World War II, we owe it to today's warriors, to our citizens, and to our children and grandchildren, to preserve this peace.
The motto of my first platoon was: "Those who long for peace, must prepare for war." That is exactly what we're doing. We are preparing for war, to deter war — to achieve peace through strength. And we look to you — our allies and partners — to join us in this important work.
Our time is now. The threats we face will not wait. Nor can we.
Thank you and Godspeed.